Dictionary of Arguments


Philosophical and Scientific Issues in Dispute
 
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The author or concept searched is found in the following 5 entries.
Disputed term/author/ism Author
Entry
Reference
Classes Gramsci Brocker I 711
Classes/Gramsci: Gramsci introduces the concept "Subalterns" in the Quaderni del Carcere (1929-1935). The concept was originally used in the military field for subordinate officers. Gramsci transfers it to those who do not belong to a hegemonic class. GramsciVsMarxism: Gramsci thus deviates from the Orthodox-Marxist approach, which focuses its political attention above all on the
Brocker I 712
urban working class. DhawanVsMarx: The rural population is neglected in Marx, as we know, because it is regarded as unorganized and prepolitical and cannot form a systematic antipole to the bourgeoisie. See Governance/Gramsci.
Gramsci alternately calls the suppressed classes "classi subalterne", "classi subordinate" and "classi strumentali". This differentiation can only be understood in connection with the dominant social groups. The dominant social groups realize their historical unity in the state, i.e. in the combination of political and civil society.
In contrast, the subaltern classes form a fragmented grouping characterized by a lack of autonomy and structural and economic exclusion (1)
Subalternity/Dhawan: the term was adopted within postcolonial theory by Guha, among others, who thus defined a space that is cut off from all forms of mobility.(2)(3) Subalternity is thus not an identity designation, but a position that marks the difference.


1. Vgl. Antonio Gramsci, Gefängnishefte, Kritische Gesamtausgabe, Bd. 9. Hefte 22 bis 29, hg.v. Wolfgang Fritz Haug/Klaus Bochmann, Hamburg 1999 (ital. zuerst 1934).
2. Vgl. Spivak. Selected Works of Gayatri Spivak, hg. V. Donna Landry/Gerald Maclean, New York/London 1996, S. 288.
3. Vgl. Ranajit Guha, Elementary Aspects of Peasant Insurgery in Colonial India, Delhi 1983.


Nikita Dhawan, Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak “Can the subaltern speak?” in: Manfred Brocker (Hg.) Geschichte des politischen Denkens. Das 20. Jahrhundert. Frankfurt/M. 2018

PolGram I
Antonio Gramsci
Quaderni del carcere, 1948-1951 - Selections from the Prison Notebooks of Antonio Gramsci. Eds. Geoffrey N. Smith/Quintin Hoare, 1971
German Edition:
Gefängnishefte Hamburg 1999


Brocker I
Manfred Brocker
Geschichte des politischen Denkens. Das 20. Jahrhundert Frankfurt/M. 2018
Marxism Habermas III 216
Marxism/Habermas: Hegel has become effective through an uncritical appropriation of the dialectical conceptual apparatus; the unity of theoretical and practical reason is built into the basic concepts of critique of political economy in such a way that the normative foundations of Marxian theory
III 217
have been darkened until today. In Marxism this ambiguity was partly circumvented, partly concealed, but not actually eliminated: circumvented by the division of Marx' social theory into social research and ethical socialism (M. Adler); and concealed both by an orthodox connection to Hegel (Lukács, Korsch) and by an assimilation to the more naturalistic development theories of the 19th century (Engels, Kautsky). These theories form the bridge over which the topic of rationalization, which was initially dealt with in historical philosophy, was transferred to sociology. (1)
IV 222
Lifeworld/Marxism/Habermas: the Marxist critique of bourgeois society starts with the circumstances of production because it accepts the rationalization of the lifeworld, but wants to explain the deformations of the rationalized lifeworld from conditions of material reproduction. This approach requires a theory that operates on a broader basic conceptual basis than that of the "lifeworld". It must neither identify the environment with society as a whole nor reduce it to systemic contexts.
IV 399
Marxism/VsCapitalism/Habermas: The starting point of all criticism of capitalism was the question of whether the conversion of prebourgeois normatively organized labor relations to the medium of money (see Money/Habermas, Money/Parsons), whether thus the monetization of the labor force
IV 400
means an intervention in living conditions and areas of interaction which themselves are not integrated in the form of media and cannot be detached painlessly, i.e. without social-pathological effects, from structures of communication-oriented action.
IV 504
Marxism/HabermasVsMarxism/Habermas: Marx's approach demands an economically abridged interpretation of the developed capitalist societies. For these, Marx rightly claimed an evolutionary primacy of the economy. However, this primacy must not tempt us to tailor the complementary relationship between the economy and the state apparatus to a trivial superstructure-based concept. Solution/Habermas: in contrast to the monism of value theory, we have to reckon with two control media and four channels through which two complementary subsystems subject the lifeworld to their imperatives. The reification effects can result equally from the bureaucratization and monetization of public and private spheres of life.
IV 505
The economicist approach fails in view of the pacification of the class conflict and the long-term success that reformism has achieved in European countries since the Second World War in the broad sense of a social-democratic program. See Interventionism/Habermas.

1.J. Habermas Zur Rekonstruktion des Historischen Materialismus, Frankfurt, 1976.

Ha I
J. Habermas
Der philosophische Diskurs der Moderne Frankfurt 1988

Ha III
Jürgen Habermas
Theorie des kommunikativen Handelns Bd. I Frankfurt/M. 1981

Ha IV
Jürgen Habermas
Theorie des kommunikativen Handelns Bd. II Frankfurt/M. 1981

Marxism Olson Brocker I 483
Marxism/Collective Action/Olson: OlsonVsMarx/OlsonVsMarxism: Problem: Marxist class theory and the pluralistic view of representation of interests overlook the problem of collective action.
Brocker I 484
Although the members of the respective classes have common interests, this does not mean that each individual would also be motivated to make their individual contribution. Free rider problem: if the individuals who form a class act rationally, there will be no class-oriented action". (1) This applies to workers who form trade unions to fight for wage increases. But it also applies to the class of workers as a whole, which has an interest in overcoming the division of society into classes.


1. Mancur Olson, The Logic of Collective Action: Public Goods and the Theory of Groups, Cambridge, Mass. 1965. Dt.: Mancur Olson, Die Logik des kollektiven Handelns: Kollektivgüter und die Theorie der Gruppen, Tübingen 1998 (zuerst 1968)., S. 104.


Johannes Marx, „Mancur Olson, Die Logik des kollektiven Handelns“, in: Manfred Brocker (Hg.) Geschichte des politischen Denkens. Das 20. Jahrhundert. Frankfurt/M. 2018

EconOlson I
Mancur Olson
The logic of collective action: Public goods and the theory of groups Cambridge 1965


Brocker I
Manfred Brocker
Geschichte des politischen Denkens. Das 20. Jahrhundert Frankfurt/M. 2018
Marxism Jonas Brocker I 610
Marxism/JonasVsMarxism/Jonas: Jonas assumes that socialism is more capable of imposing a "policy of renunciation" (1) than the Western liberal democracies. This renunciation is necessary to preserve the biosphere for future generations and to preserve human life. See Ethics/Jonas. - On the other hand:
Brocker I 611
JonasVsMarxism: he has helped fuel the technological megalomania of mankind by pursuing - like capitalism - a "fundamentally technological conception of society" (2). JonasVsBloch: Jonas explicitly understands his book The Principle of Responsibility as an alternative concept and as "Critique of Marxist Utopism" (3), as paradigmatically expressed in Ernst Bloch's The Principle of Hope (1954-1959).


1. Hans Jonas, »Warum wir heute eine Ethik der Selbstbeschränkung brauchen«, in: Elisabeth Ströker (Hg.), Ethik der Wissenschaften? Philosophische Fragen, München/Paderborn u. a. 1984, p. 86
2. Hans Jonas, Das Prinzip Verantwortung. Versuch einer Ethik für die technologische Zivilisation, Frankfurt/M. 1979, p. 276.
3. Ibid. p. 327
Manfred Brocker, „Hans Jonas, Das Prinzip Verantwortung“ in: Manfred Brocker (Hg.) Geschichte des politischen Denkens. Das 20. Jahrhundert. Frankfurt/M. 2018

Jonas I
Hans Jonas
Das Prinzip Verantwortung. Versuch einer Ethik für die technologische Zivilisation Frankfurt 1979


Brocker I
Manfred Brocker
Geschichte des politischen Denkens. Das 20. Jahrhundert Frankfurt/M. 2018
Politics Jonas Brocker I 610
Politics/Jonas: to enforce his ethical imperatives (see Ethics/Jonas, Ecological Imperative/Jonas) Jonas relies entirely on politics and its coercive means. Education alone is not able to achieve the ethical reconsideration of people. According to Jonas, "a maximum of politically imposed social discipline" (1), in the sense of a "policy of renunciation" (2), a "subordination of the present advantage to the long-term imperative of the future" (3), is necessary. Solution/Jonas: Forms of political "autocracy" (4), like socialism, seem more suitable to him than the liberal democracies of the West organized in a market economy. Context: See Ethics/Jonas, However, Jonas has critical reservations VsMarxism: See Marxism/Jonas.



1.Hans Jonas, Das Prinzip Verantwortung. Versuch einer Ethik für die technologische Zivilisation, Frankfurt/M. 1979, p. 255
2. Hans Jonas, »Warum wir heute eine Ethik der Selbstbeschränkung brauchen«, in: Elisabeth Ströker (Hg.), Ethik der Wissenschaften? Philosophische Fragen, München/Paderborn u. a. 1984, p. 86
3. Jonas 1979, p. 255
4. Ibid. p. 262

Manfred Brocker, „Hans Jonas, Das Prinzip Verantwortung“ in: Manfred Brocker (Hg.) Geschichte des politischen Denkens. Das 20. Jahrhundert. Frankfurt/M. 2018

Jonas I
Hans Jonas
Das Prinzip Verantwortung. Versuch einer Ethik für die technologische Zivilisation Frankfurt 1979


Brocker I
Manfred Brocker
Geschichte des politischen Denkens. Das 20. Jahrhundert Frankfurt/M. 2018